When the Clock Broke summary

Leading up to the 1992 election, George H. W. Bush was not in a good place. The economy was in a slump, and despite Bush's attempts to downplay or prematurely declare an end to the recession, public sentiment told a different tale. His ratings plummeted from a Gulf War high of 89 percent to below 50 percent, reflecting widespread dissatisfaction with his handling of the economy.

The roots of America’s financial troubles lay in the deregulation of the Savings & Loan industry during the Reagan era. As banks began to fail in large numbers, unemployment was also on the rise, due in part to the defense-industry cutbacks following the end of the Cold War, and increasing automation in the industrial sector. As these economic woes intensified, Bush’s popularity continued to decline, opening the door for challengers within his own party.

Rush Limbaugh, a name synonymous with conservative talk radio, didn’t start off with the confidence he later exuded on the airwaves. Born in 1951 in Cape Girardeau, Missouri, Limbaugh’s early years were marked by shyness and insecurity, particularly around girls.

Limbaugh found a transformative power behind the microphone, where he became a different, more assertive version of himself. After being fired from several radio stations in the 1970s, Limbaugh found stability in the mid-80s with a broadcasting gig in Sacramento, California. It was here that his vision for the Republican Party began to take shape. Unlike the stable, middle-class GOP of his father, Limbaugh’s version was fueled by anger and alienation, reflecting his own experiences of feeling left out. His show resonated with a growing audience of listeners who felt similarly disillusioned.

Economic inequality and dwindling prospects were a driving force during the 1992 election. During the previous decade, the wealthiest Americans had seen their incomes soar by 77 percent, while the typical family’s income barely budged, and the poorest 40 percent saw their earnings decline. This growing disparity left many feeling betrayed by the political establishment. 

While Pat Buchanan was finding more success than Bill Clinton in tapping into voter resentment, Buchanan was finding that populist momentum wasn’t always easy to maintain. Despite his fiery rhetoric, he faced backlash in Michigan when union workers noticed Buchanan’s European car and rejected his “phony patriotics.”

In the aftermath of the LA riots, Pat Buchanan sought to capitalize on the chaos by stoking fear and advocating for a hardline approach. He made headlines by calling for forceful suppression of the riots and proposing a wall to keep out illegal immigrants. But the primaries had not gone well for Buchanan. All he could do now was try to use his dwindling power to push President Bush further to the right.

Ross Perot, on the other hand, was emerging as a formidable contender. His candidacy resonated with voters across the political spectrum, particularly in California, where polls showed him leading the race. 

What is it about gangsters that people in America so love? This is a country that celebrates them on Broadway in Guys and Dolls and flocks to see movies like The Godfather and Goodfellas.

Another case in point: when John Gotti, the boss of the Gambino crime family, was being put on trial at the US District Court In Brooklyn in early 1992, supporters gathered in droves. Close to a thousand demonstrators waved American flags and held signs that read “FREE JOHN GOTTI,” and shouted that the government was their enemy.

As the 1992 election heated up, Clinton's campaign was all about hammering home the message of economic distress. Clinton strategist James Carville even posted a note in the campaign headquarters that read, “The economy, stupid.”

It gave Clinton a clear line of attack on Bush: While President Truman had created the American middle class, Bush’s legacy was that of the destructor. Clinton’s position was helped by the grim headlines: California was declaring bankruptcy, poverty was soaring, and job losses were rampant.