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Name: I Alone Can Fix It
Rating: 3.8 (88 reviews)
Author: Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker

Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker

Donald J. Trump's Catastrophic Final Year

3.8 (88 Bewertungen)

35 Min.

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What’s in it for me? The inside story of Trump’s final year in office.

Life wasn’t perfect as the United States headed into 2020. Americans were divided and angry. Some loved their dysfunctional president; many loathed him.

But there were lots of positives. The economy was in good shape, unemployment was low, and the country’s institutions continued to work.

Fast-forward to the end of the year, and all that was gone. The economy was in freefall, political divisions were bubbling over into violence, and almost half a million Americans were dead.

This wasn’t just the work of the virus that turned the entire world on its head. COVID-19 played its part in this carnage, but it had a helper: Donald Trump.

In these blinks, we’ll follow Trump’s volatile presidency through this momentous year as we try to understand how, and why, this unusual president sabotaged the country he claimed to love.

A quick warning before we begin: some of the blinks contain explicit language.

Along the way, you’ll learn

why the germophobic Trump refused to wear a mask;
how humiliation factored into Trump’s response to the Black Lives Matter movement; and
why Trump’s supporters stormed the Capitol in early 2021.

Trump was slow to appreciate the threat posed by COVID-19.

December 31, 2019. Donald Trump is celebrating New Year’s Eve in the unofficial “Southern” White House – Mar-a-Lago, his private social club in Palm Beach, Florida.

The president is in a good mood. A band plays Daft Punk’s “Get Lucky,” and guests mingle. Trump makes a toast, promising that it’s going to be a “fantastic” year.

Robert Redfield, the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, isn’t so sure.

He’s just read an email from the Centers’ outpost in China. It says local staff are monitoring an outbreak of an unidentified, pneumonia-like virus in the port city of Wuhan.

The key message here is: Trump was slow to appreciate the threat posed by COVID-19.

Respiratory diseases had long been the likeliest source of a global pandemic.

A century earlier, after World War I, a deadly influenza known as the “Spanish flu” claimed millions of lives. There were more recent cases, too. In the 2000s and 2010s, outbreaks of SARS – a coronavirus – and H7N9 – a strain of “bird flu” – were contained, but public health experts like Redfield were convinced they’d be back. As he told United States senators in 2019, it was only a matter of time before another respiratory disease crossed from animals to humans.

The email in Redfield’s inbox suggested that had already happened. But this virus turned out to be more infectious than anything seen in a long time. By the end of the first week of January, there were hundreds of cases in China.

Lung scans confirmed it was a novel – or new – coronavirus. COVID-19 had arrived.

New cases started popping up outside China – first in Thailand, then in France. By the time COVID-19 appeared in the president’s daily briefing, infected patients had already entered the United States.

Redfield sounded the alarm. Alex Azar, the secretary of health, responded. On January 10, 2020, he spoke to the president.

But Trump was distracted by upcoming impeachment hearings. He was also angry with Azar, who had helped ban flavored e-cigarettes known as vapes. Protestors were displaying signs at Trump’s rallies with slogans like, “I vape, I vote,” and he was worried about losing this demographic. So, having ranted at Azar about vaping, Trump only half-listened to him talk about COVID-19. He soon hung up. He wanted to try on a new tuxedo. The president had a party to attend.

Trump’s pandemic response was shaped by political calculation, not science.

Reports from China in late January painted a bleak picture.

The hospitals were overwhelmed, the morgues were full, and the crematoriums were working overtime. Hubei Province and its capital, Wuhan, were in lockdown.

Trump undermined his own government’s coronavirus messaging.

By mid-March, things were bad. International cases were skyrocketing, and the World Health Organization was calling COVID-19 a global pandemic.

Inside the White House, there was a tug-of-war between advisers calling for a lockdown and officials urging Trump to keep America open for business.

Trump’s self-image determined his response to protests in the summer.

Image was everything for President Trump.

He thought that masks made him look weak, so he didn’t wear one. By contrast, assassinating Qasem Soleimani projected toughness, so he ordered a drone strike on the Iranian general.

Campaign rallies symbolized Trump’s chaotic handling of the pandemic.

The Black Lives Matter movement took off in the summer. America, its supporters said, needed to change. The deaths of Black men like George Floyd had to stop.

During these weeks of protest, the country passed a tragic milestone: 100,000 coronavirus deaths. Of course, the president didn’t mark the occasion – he was playing golf that day.

Trump’s paranoia undermined his political fortunes.

The death toll continued to climb over the summer. By early September, the country was on track to reach 200,000 deaths. Meanwhile, Trump’s ratings were in freefall.

According to one adviser, voters were “fatigued.” The pandemic had brought nothing but suffering. Trump had to give them hope – to show them that there was light at the end of the tunnel.

Trump’s approach to the pandemic didn’t change even after his own brush with death.

Trump’s White House was leaky. Unflattering stories, like the scoop about him hiding in an underground bunker, tended to end up on newspapers’ front pages.

Leaks fueled paranoia, and there was a constant search for “moles.” Yet other kinds of breaches, like the transmission of a lethal virus, weren’t taken nearly as seriously.

Trump declared victory in the presidential election before all the votes had been counted.

In the 2016 presidential election, votes from the swing states had arrived in two waves.

The first ballots came from Democratic strongholds like South Florida, giving Hillary Clinton an early lead. But as votes came in from Republican areas like the Florida Panhandle, Trump gradually caught up – and then overtook her.

Trump’s efforts to retain the presidency led to a final showdown in January.

Votes were still being counted in key battleground states on November 5. The more ballots officials got through, the more likely a Biden victory became.

But Trump was claiming that these votes had been cast fraudulently and demanded an immediate halt. As he put it in an all-caps tweet that day, it was time to “STOP THE COUNT!”

Trump’s last stand ended in a bloody riot.

On January 6, 2021, the mood in Washington, DC, was electric.

Forty thousand or so Trump supporters had come to the city, and Rudy Giuliani was firing them up. He condemned the “criminals” trying to steal the election and told his audience to prepare themselves for “trial by combat.”

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Worum geht es in I Alone Can Fix It?

I Alone Can Fix It (2021) is the definitive behind-the-scenes account of Donald Trump’s final 12 months in the White House. Drawing on in-depth interviews with participants in the drama, it charts how a president who was on course for reelection ended up presiding over a doomed and bloody attempt to cling on to power. Along the way, it reveals the thinking behind Trump’s dysfunctional responses to the coronavirus pandemic and Black Lives Matter movement.

Wer I Alone Can Fix It lesen sollte

Politics buffs
Current affairs junkies
Americanophiles

Über den Autor

Carol Leonnig is an investigative reporter at the Washington Post. The recipient of multiple Pulitzers, her work has covered everything from Russian interference in American elections to government surveillance of ordinary citizens. Leonnig is the author of Zero Fail: The Rise and Fall of the Secret Service and is a regular on-air contributor to NBC News and MSNBC.

Philip Rucker is the senior Washington correspondent at the Washington Post. As the White House Bureau Chief, he led the paper’s coverage of the Trump presidency. He received both the Pulitzer Prize and the George Polk Award for his work on Russian interference in the 2016 election. Rucker is an on-air political analyst for NBC News and MSNBC.

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