The End of Power summary

Today, all kinds of “things” have increased dramatically in quantity. There are four times as many nations today as there were in the 1940s. The amount of wealth in emerging countries has risen enormously, and the number of products in the world market has followed suit.

Not only do we have more, but those things that are the most important to us have also improved dramatically. For instance, people today live longer and more healthily than ever before. Life expectancy has risen, and fatalities from infectious diseases and armed conflicts have decreased. People are increasingly informed and educated, literacy rates have risen noticeably and people throughout the world are connected in unprecedented numbers.

During the Cold War, East Germany’s Berlin Wall and border inhibited its citizens’ access to West Germany. This was an internal power play: the Wall was a crucial aspect to the state’s campaign to control the people. Had they had the chance, many East Germans would have likely emigrated to the West in pursuit of a higher standard of living.

Today, a wall would not have been enough to cut them off from the world. Nowadays, people, goods, money and ideas can travel at previously unimaginable speeds at a fraction of the cost.

In recent decades our notions of what is important have undergone a radical change.

Formerly poor countries with an emergent middle class, for example, have to manage the expectations of these wealthier citizens who expect more from life than full bellies and a roof over their heads. As a result, liberal values, such as individual freedom, transparency, the right to property and fairness, have spread far and wide.

The more people are involved in decision-making, the less influence each individual has. The same applies to the political power of nations and political leaders.

Governments are losing power on many levels. Nations are increasingly having to share power among themselves, and the triumph of democracy throughout the world has led to higher power sharing within the nations themselves.

Although we all know about the various insurgencies and guerrilla groups around the world, what’s surprising is just how powerful these micropowers have become. These micropowers are actors with relatively meager resources competing with other actors that possess an abundance of resources.

The proliferation of weapons and military training to non-state actors has risen dramatically in recent years.

So far we’ve seen how changes in power dynamics have affected civic society. But what about businesses? They, too, have seen some major changes.

Traditionally, large companies that sell a great variety and quantity of products could easily outcompete their smaller rivals.

The tremendous impact of crumbling power structures can also be found in areas that are less directly connected to political power, like religion and media.

For starters, the religious landscape is becoming increasingly fragmented. New Evangelical, Pentecostal and charismatic Protestant churches draw Christians away from traditionally powerful religious institutions, such as the Catholic church.

The erosion of power certainly brings with it positive aspects: societies are freer, voters are better able to express discontent, ideas can move more freely and increased market competition benefits consumers worldwide. However, it also comes with some serious risks.

For one, the decay of power breeds disorder and frustration. One of the state’s primary responsibilities is to guarantee a minimum level of stability and predictability, and a certain amount of power is necessary to accomplish this.

So how can we embrace the positive aspects of the erosion of power without falling prey to its threats? A good place to start is by simply changing our perspectives on the distribution of power.

For example, when we talk about changes in power relations between major players, such as the United States and China, we often ignore the radical changes that contextualize this shift in power. While China is supposedly “on the rise,” the power of nation states in general – and the big players in particular – is on the decline. China’s power is simply declining at a slower rate than that of the United States.